Hindi vs India: The War of Words Tearing the Republic
Hindi vs India: The War of Words Tearing the Republic
The Language Controversy in India is hurting both diversity and unity.
Historical Roots & Constitutional Compromise
India’s language tensions trace back to the post-independence era when Hindi was promoted as the official language.
Strong resistance—especially from Tamil Nadu—led to the continued use of English and the formulation of the Three-Language Formula, though its implementation has been uneven and contentious.
NEP 2020 and Renewed Fears
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 revived fears of Hindi imposition. Though it doesn’t mandate Hindi, its emphasis on “native Indian languages” is seen by southern and non-Hindi states as a covert push for linguistic centralization.
State-Level Resistance Intensifies
Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Maharashtra have all seen mass protests, policy rollbacks, and political opposition to the Centre’s language agenda—framing it as an assault on regional identity and federal autonomy.
Language as a Political and Federal Flashpoint
The controversy highlights deeper conflicts over cultural identity, federalism, and Centre-State power dynamics. Regional parties have used language to mobilize voters and push back against what they see as central overreach.
Social & Economic Consequences
Imposing Hindi could disadvantage non-Hindi speakers, especially rural and marginalized students, deepen regional inequalities, and distract from more urgent issues like educational reform and employment access.
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JULY 2025
The language controversy in India is not recent, it is one of the most enduring and emotionally charged issues in Indian polity.
Deep-seated in the country's unparalleled linguistic diversity, the controversy reveals a deeper struggle: the delicate balance between cultural identity, (central-state relationship) federal
autonomy, and the central government’s drive for national integration.
The language controversy is a recurring fault line in India’s postcolonial journey, revealing the country's ongoing tension between unity and diversity, centralization and federalism.
Whether in the 1930s or 2025, the battle lines remain strikingly similar.
Today, with the reemergence of old tensions in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Maharashtra, the controversy has now entered a new, volatile phase, reigniting concerns over centralization of language and cultural homogenization.
A Historical and Constitutional Foundation
India is home to over 19,500 mother tongues, according to the 2011 Census. Of these, 122 languages are spoken by more than 10,000 people, and 22 are constitutionally recognized in the Eighth Schedule.
This linguistic plurality predates modern India, stretching back to ancient times when Sanskrit, Prakrit, Tamil, and Pali coexisted with regional dialects in a rich verbal and literary tradition.
Post-Independence, the question of language threatened to tear the newly-formed Union apart.
Hindi, though spoken by only about 44% of the population as per the 2011 Census, was proposed by the Constituent Assembly as the future national language.
However, intense opposition from non-Hindi speaking regions, especially the south, forced a compromise.
The Constitution of India (Article 343) designated Hindi in Devanagari script as the official language of the Union, but also mandated continued use of English for official purposes for a
period of 15 years, later extended indefinitely by the Official Languages Act of 1963.
Official language of the Union.
(1) The official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script. The form of numerals to be used for the official purposes of the Union shall be the international form of Indian numerals.
(2) Notwithstanding anything in clause (1), for a period of fifteen years from the commencement of this Constitution, the English language shall continue to be used for all the official purposes of the
Union for which it was being used immediately before such commencement:
Provided that the President may, during the said period, by order authorise the use of the Hindi
language in addition to the English language and of the Devanagari form of numerals in addition to the international form of Indian numerals for any of the official purposes of the Union.
(3) Notwithstanding anything in this article, Parliament may by law provide for the use, after the said period of fifteen years, of —
(a) the English language, or
(b) the Devanagari form of numerals,
for such purposes as may be specified in the law
This act was passed following the anti-Hindi agitations of 1965 in Tamil Nadu, which saw violent protests, self-immolations, and student-led uprisings.
This resistance catalysed the Dravidian political movement, leading to the rise of the DMK and the long-standing dominance of anti-Hindi parties in Tamil Nadu politics.
It also signalled that language, in India, would always be political, and often aggressive.
The Three-Language Formula: A Broken Consensus
The Three-Language Formula, introduced by the Kothari Commission in 1968, aimed to bridge regional, national, and global linguistic identities. It proposed:
The regional language (mother tongue or state language)
Hindi
English
However, implementation was uneven and often hypocritical.
Hindi-speaking states did not adopt a South Indian or tribal language as the third language, instead substituting Sanskrit, a classical language with little contemporary utility.
Conversely, Tamil Nadu outright rejected Hindi and stuck to a two-language policy, Tamil and English.
The National Integration Council repeatedly stressed that imposing Hindi would be counterproductive and divisive.
Yet, the lack of enforcement in the Hindi belt and the perception of central bias have made this formula a point of persistent discord rather than consensus.
NEP 2020: Reform or Reimposition?
When the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 was released, it rekindled fears of a covert Hindi imposition.
The policy does not explicitly mandate Hindi but recommends a three-language formula with an emphasis on two being “native to India.”
Critics saw this as ambiguous language masking a Hindi-first agenda.
According to data from the Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), over 40% of students in rural areas struggle with reading fluency in their first language.
Adding another language, especially a non-native one like Hindi, would only increase the cognitive load and risks exacerbating dropouts in government schools, especially in tribal and rural regions.
Tamil Nadu: A Legacy of Defiance
Tamil Nadu’s resistance to Hindi imposition is legendary.
The anti-Hindi agitations of 1937–40, during the British era under the Justice Party’s rule, were among the first organized linguistic protests in modern India.
These agitations resumed in 1965, culminating in what many believe was the decisive blow that ensured English's indefinite continuance alongside Hindi.
The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), born from the Self-Respect Movement, leveraged this linguistic pride to dominate the state's politics for decades.
Today, under Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, the DMK has once again positioned itself as the guardian of Tamil identity.
Recent months have seen:
Street protests and mass mobilizations against the NEP 2020
Allegations that the Centre is withholding Rs. 2,000 crore in education funds to pressure compliance
Public statements invoking Tamil Nadu’s historical resistance and its “unique fighting spirit”
According to state officials, more than 90% of government schools in Tamil Nadu operate on a
Tamil-English dual medium. Introducing Hindi would require over 10,000 new language teachers, a logistical and financial burden the state refuses to accept.
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Karnataka: The Kannada Assertion
In Karnataka, language activism has surged in recent years.
In 2021, the state passed a law mandating 60% Kannada signboards in commercial establishments, citing the Kannada Language Comprehensive Development Act (2022).
The conflict with Maharashtra over Belagavi has added fuel to the linguistic fire. Kannada activists have clashed with pro-Marathi groups, and the language issue has even influenced electoral politics.
The Belagavi controversy (also known as the Belgaum border dispute) is a long-standing and politically sensitive territorial dispute between the Indian states of Maharashtra and Karnataka, centered around the control of the Belagavi (formerly Belgaum) district and adjoining areas.
Public sentiment has been galvanized around:
The perceived neglect of Kannada in favour of Hindi in central schemes
The reduction of Kannada content in CBSE and ICSE textbooks
The central government's attempts to push the NEP without state-specific adaptation
Maharashtra: A Policy Fiasco
In April and June 2025, the Maharashtra government issued GRs introducing mandatory Hindi instruction from Class 1, a break from the earlier practice of offering a third language only in higher grades. This move met with fierce opposition:
Protests by MNS and Shiv Sena (UBT)
Accusations of cultural betrayal by Marathi literary figures
Policy rollback within weeks, allowing flexibility based on class demographics
The reversal reflected not just grassroots opposition, but the fear of losing political ground to
linguistic populism, a potent force in Maharashtra politics since the 1960s.
Federalism, Identity, and the Politics of Language
Language in India is never just about communication; it is about identity, autonomy, and power. The Centre’s push for Hindi is increasingly viewed as cultural centralization, particularly by the Dravidian and Marathi sub-nationalist movements.
Article 345 of the Constitution gives states the right to adopt their own official languages. However, education (a Concurrent List subject) gives both Centre and states a say, leading to friction.
Central policies such as Hindi-centric recruitment exams and the dominance of Hindi in Doordarshan and AIR are also resented.
Political parties like DMK, MNS, TDP, and even regional wings of Congress have made language a pillar of their state-level campaigns, often invoking the spectre of “Hindi imperialism.”
Social and Economic Implications
While proponents argue that Hindi can unify the nation and boost employability, the reality is more nuanced:
Hindi is not the mother tongue for over 55% of Indians
Imposing it risks excluding non-Hindi speakers from UPSC exams, central jobs, and public sector banks
According to a 2018 Azim Premji Foundation study, early multilingualism without adequate support increases dropout rates
The push for Hindi may serve political consolidation, but it comes at the cost of educational quality and equity, particularly in under-resourced schools.
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The North-South Divide: A Cultural Chasm
This controversy is widening the north-south divide. In the Hindi belt, there is a natural alignment between linguistic identity and political ideology, often linked to nationalism and Hindutva.
In contrast, the south, particularly Tamil Nadu and Kerala, views Hindi imposition as a threat to centuries-old Dravidian cultures.
Even southern BJP leaders tread carefully. For instance, the Karnataka BJP unit opposed the Centre’s mandatory Hindi signage proposal in 2022, fearing electoral backlash.
The Way Forward: Pluralism, Not Uniformity
India’s future lies not in linguistic homogenization but in embracing cooperative federalism and cultural pluralism. Language should enable opportunity, not become an instrument of exclusion.
Reinventing the Three-Language Formula with regional flexibility
Increasing state autonomy in educational content
Promoting mother-tongue primary education, as recommended by UNESCO
Avoiding the use of central funds as coercive tools
India’s linguistic wealth is not a hurdle to be overcome, but an asset to be celebrated. Attempts to force uniformity will not unify, it will alienate.
Languages should be voices in harmony and unison.
As India advances into a new global era, it must decide: will it become a nation of one voice, or will it continue to thrive as a chorus of many?
Linguistic pluralism is not just India’s past, it must be its future.
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